Wednesday, April 15, 2020

Mandera youth employment crisis


Mandera is a youthful population. Fragile and weak public institutions, insecurity, poor infrastructure and lack of enough opportunities have left many youths unemployed.  Employment opportunities are limited, and often not competitive.

However, like most of the other counties in Kenya, the lack of employment opportunities is one of the most pressing challenges in Mandera. Most of those affected are the youth population.

There are numerous factors that contribute to mass unemployment in Mandera. The absence of a properly functioning government institutions are probably the main cause. In the last decades, state institutions were weak or non-existent. Further, insecurity is also another main contributor to unemployment, especially among the young population.

Notwithstanding the limited employment opportunities in Mandera, there are other factors that exacerbated the youth employment crisis. These factors include mismatch of the accessible education and the skills required in the job market, flawed recruitment processes, and the concentration of job opportunities in some locations.

The lack of colleges and universities in the region for the last decades But also the higher education institutions in the down of the country do not produce many qualified students with a broad range of relevant skills. What the youth are taught in universities and what the labor market requires are not matching. Graduates often lack a good command of working skills. Lack of teachers, insignificant regulation, insecurity and the frequent movement of students have all contributed to poor-quality education.

A sizable number of the unemployed did not get the opportunity to go to formal schools or access skills training. Many youths lack basic skills such as plumbing, electrics and construction. As a result, foreigners, mostly from other parts of the country, are doing jobs in the region that require technical skills.

Lack of transparency in recruitment is another factor that created an employment crisis among the Mandera youth. For young graduates to get a job in the public sector, they should ask members of their clan to assist them to get the job. Politicians represent clans, and when one requires employment in the public sector, the clan is the most significant means to get the job. Members of the parliament and the PS are asked to employ relatives in the public sector. This is a result of lack of effective civil service institutions that hire public servants in a transparent and formal process. Civil service positions are not advertised and are not open to all qualified persons.

The business and the non-profit sector also lack transparency in their recruitment policies. For many positions advertised a candidate has already been chosen. As such, many youths have been discouraged from applying for advertised positions.

Finally, while many youths may have innovative business ideas, they lack financial resources, or access to commercial banks, credit facilities or government subsidies to invest in them.

Consequences of the employment crisis
In Mandera County, the unemployment crisis among the youth has caused some serious problems. First, protracted unemployment among the youth in Somalia has left many with low self-esteem, which has left them vulnerable to criminal gangs and armed groups.
Second, many unemployed youths, including university graduates, make the difficult decision to leave Somalia, often risking their lives to seek opportunities elsewhere.
Third, some youth are involved in the use of drugs due to unemployment. The use of drugs is seen as a way to ease the problems encountered by the youth. Addiction to khat has certainly been a contributing factor to unemployment and an underperforming economy. Indian tobacco known as ‘tabuu’ is one of the most recently used drugs among the youth in Mandera.
Fourth, although the number of female graduates at high schools and universities has been increasing in recent years, unemployment among the young population prompted many female graduates to arrange an early or unplanned marriage. The more female graduates stay at home without jobs, the higher the pressure from parents and relatives to get married.
Finally, education is seen as a channel through which a ‘better life’ can be attained.  But the high level of unemployment in Somalia discouraged many to pursue education further as they see university graduates without jobs.  Some youth are getting disappointed with the notion of going to school or college as their older brothers or friends are jobless for a number of years with little hope to get decent employment. Thus, the upcoming generation is buying the idea that education will not lead them anywhere. This mentality that resulted from the youth unemployment will have a negative impact on the country in the long term.
Policy options and recommendations
Tackling the unemployment challenges is an issue that needs collective work and cooperation among the different levels of government, the private sector and society at large. Reducing unemployment among the young people will likely be one of the main challenges the region faces over the next few decades if it is not made an immediate priority. There are no quick solutions. Rather, a multi-pronged A long-term approach is necessary.
Unemployment is a symptom of a dysfunctional system, state failure, insecurity, and corruption. Improving governance, strengthening state capability, and creating a conducive environment for employment creation can mitigate the high level of unemployment in Somalia. But this is a complicated and long-term process that cannot produce quick wins in the short-term. However, there are certain things that can be prioritized.
1.     Education: improving the quality of education is a collective effort from all education stakeholders.
Further, Mandera needs more vocational schools that produce skilled labor force in a short period of time. Putting more emphasis on vocational training schools can play a pivotal role in improving the employability of the youth. Skills are considered intrinsic to social inclusion as those without skill are marginalized from work, experience depression, and have less capacity to shape the major developments in their lives. However, while there is general agreement that skills are important, there is less clarity on nature and the kinds of skills needed and how these skills are developed. Therefore, it’s necessary that the government enacts technical and vocational education and training (TVET) strategy which sets standards for planning, prioritization, financing, coordination and implementation vocational training centers and courses. This could reduce unemployment, advance the economy, and would make the youth become more competitive in the labor market.
2. Labor information and data-driven decisions and interventions:
The employment-related data is scarce in Somalia. The government should build its own capability to conduct labor market surveys. Understanding the skills gap in the labor market and the rate of unemployment could help stakeholders take sound decisions regarding youth employment. Equally important is the enactment of a set of legislation that is necessary for employment and can attract investors. These include the investment law, national youth policy, the employment policy, labor law among others.

3.    Transparency in recruitment: the recruitment process of available opportunities for the youth as well as youth-related interventions should be transparent and free from nepotism and cronyism. The talented youth who studied hard in a complex and difficult environment should get a transparent and merit recruitment process. The government should start with itself and reform the informal recruitment that is prevalent in the public sector. It should also establish a strategy that encourages transparent recruitment in both the not-for-profit and private sectors.
4.    Boosting local production: the government can boost both youth employment and local production through a partnership with the companies in the private sector with economies of scale. The government could agree with companies to produce basic commodities that they currently import locally while the government will own shares in the company and will protect from the external competition of import goods.
While agriculture and crop production remain the dominant domestic production in Somalia and the public and private sectors can strategize ways to boost these sectors, environment shocks such as famine and floods are the main challenges the sectors encounter.
Mandera remains one of the counties that is difficult to start a business. The government should reduce the costs of registering companies and startups. This will encourage entrepreneurial spirit and the establishment of small business enterprises.

5.     Youth support fund: The county government together with the business community and the national donors could designate a trust fund for the youth. This should not be a program but a window for funding. Youth with ideas can apply the fund. This fund should sponsor youth startups that are innovative and cost-effective as well as networking and socialization among the youth, and it should be managed and over sighted by an independent committee that is credible, inclusive and with relevant experience in public financial management.
6.    Technology and innovation: in today’s world, technology impacts how people work, jobs and human behavior. Technology and innovation can create more job opportunities for the youth. More innovation centers are needed that work genuinely and give Somali youth space for innovation and entrepreneurship.
On the other hand, cooperatives could help create jobs. Each district can form its own association. 1000 families can invest in one business and these become the customers of their business. For instance, Mandera has 6 districts. 1000 families from each district pay $300. That is 1,800,000 ksh for investment. One central warehouse can be formed to manage the investment. This kind of investment will create more jobs. However, this kind of investment requires trust in the community, which could be advanced through social reconciliation.


Friday, April 3, 2020

Taxanaha taarikhda gobolka NFD - Qeybta 2aad

NFD si rasmi ah uguma wareegin gacanta Ingriiska ilaa sannadihii 1920-naadkii, waxana uu u soo maray isku day xooggan oo rabshado watay. Waxana NFD la hoos geeyay nidaam militari.

Sannadkii 1926 waxaa NFD laga dhigay Degmo dhinac kasta ka xiran (Closed District), taas waxaa ku xigtay in sannadkii 1934 laga dhigay Degmo khaas ah (Special District).

Xeerarkii Gumaysigu waxay badaleen qaabka ganacsigii dhexmari jiray dadka ku dhaqan NFD iyo dhulka Jubba oo ay la lahaayeen dekedaha xeebaha Banaadir. Soomaalida ganacsiga adeegsan jirtay waxaa lagu soo rogay shatiyo aad qaali u ah oo aysan awood u lahayn taas oo xannibaad ku noqotay ganacsigii dhexmari jiray dadka Soomaaliyeed. Waxaana gumaystayaashii ay ganacsiga u fududeeyeen ganacsato Hindi iyo Carab ah si ay ula wareegaan ganacsigii NFD. Waxaa taas ka darnayd in la curyaamiyay ganacsigii xoolaha nool ee Soomaalidu u kala gooshin jireen dhulalka Soomaaliyeed ee lakala xannibay.

Sannadkii 1922 waxaa Isiolo laga furay xarun lagu karantiimo lo'ada la soo gelinayo dhanka Kenya, waxaana taas sabab looga dhigan in NFD aysan lahayn dhakhaatiirta xoolaha, arrintaas oo sii socotay ilaa dagaalkii Labaad ee Adduunka kaddib - (Dagaalkii 2aad waxa uu dhammaaday September 2, 1945).

NFD waxay ku negaatay meel go'doon ah, oo ka caaggan horumarinta. Dadka halkaas ku dhaqan oo ah Muslimiin waxaa aduunkoodii badalay ganacsiga beeraha ee reer Yurubkii halkaas soo dagay, oo fidinayay masiixiyadda, faafinayayna luqaddo qalaad. Gumaystayaashii NFD kama hirgelin dugsiyo hoose ilaa laga soo gaaray 1946.

Degaankaas go'doonkiisii waxaa la sii xoojiyay xilligii kacdoonkii Mau Mau ee sanadihii 1950-naadkii markii ay Kikuyu iyo Meru ganacsatadoodii isku dayeen in ay NFD ka soo gataan xoolaha nool, waa laga mamnuucay taas.

Sannadkii 1948 markii NFD laga mamnuucay Ururkii Dhallinyarada Soomaaliyeed (SYL) waxay soo afjartay dhaqdhaqaaqii siyaasadeed ee ka jiray NFD.

Ilaa 1960 waxaa gumaystayaashii ay Soomaalida aaggaas ku dhaqan ka mamnuuceen inay xitaa yeeshaan urur dhallinyaro. Waxaana NFD laga dhigay meel xitaa ka xiran inta kale ee Kenya.

Laakiin xubnihii ururkii SYL ee u fakaday Soomaaliya waxay sii wadeen xiriirka ay la lahaayeen NFD. Waxaa dhacday inay dukaan ka furteen meesha lagu magacaabo Biskaya oo dhawr kiilomitir u jirta Haddii Taariikhda xoogaa dib loo milicsado:

NFD si rasmi ah uguma wareegin gacanta Ingriiska ilaa sannadihii 1920-naadkii, waxana uu u soo maray isku day xooggan oo rabshado watay. Waxana NFD la hoos geeyay nidaam militari. Sannadkii 1926 waxaa NFD laga dhigay Degmo dhinac kasta ka xiran (Closed District), taas waxaa ku xigtay in sannadkii 1934 laga dhigay Degmo khaas ah (Special District).

Xeerarkii Gumaysigu waxay badaleen qaabka ganacsigii dhexmari jiray dadka ku dhaqan NFD iyo dhulka Jubba oo ay la lahaayeen dekedaha xeebaha Banaadir. Soomaalida ganacsiga adeegsan jirtay waxaa lagu soo rogay shatiyo aad qaali u ah oo aysan awood u lahayn taas oo xannibaad ku noqotay ganacsigii dhexmari jiray dadka Soomaaliyeed. Waxaana gumaystayaashii ay ganacsiga u fududeeyeen ganacsato Hindi iyo Carab ah si ay ula wareegaan ganacsigii NFD. Waxaa taas ka darnayd in la curyaamiyay ganacsigii xoolaha nool ee Soomaalidu u kala gooshin jireen dhulalka Soomaaliyeed ee lakala xannibay. Sannadkii 1922 waxaa Isiolo laga furay xarun lagu karantiimo lo'ada la soo gelinayo dhanka Kenya, waxaana taas sabab looga dhigan in NFD aysan lahayn dhakhaatiirta xoolaha, arrintaas oo sii socotay ilaa dagaalkii Labaad ee Adduunka kaddib - (Dagaalkii 2aad waxa uu dhammaaday September 2, 1945).

NFD waxay ku negaatay meel go'doon ah, oo ka caaggan horumarinta. Dadka halkaas ku dhaqan oo ah Muslimiin waxaa aduunkoodii badalay ganacsiga beeraha ee reer Yurubkii halkaas soo dagay, oo fidinayay masiixiyadda, faafinayayna luqaddo qalaad. Gumaystayaashii NFD kama hirgelin dugsiyo hoose ilaa laga soo gaaray 1946. Degaankaas go'doonkiisii waxaa la sii xoojiyay xilligii kacdoonkii Mau Mau ee sanadihii 1950-naadkii markii ay Kikuyu iyo Meru ganacsatadoodii isku dayeen in ay NFD ka soo gataan xoolaha nool, waa laga mamnuucay taas.

Sannadkii 1948 markii NFD laga mamnuucay Ururkii Dhallinyarada Soomaaliyeed (SYL) waxay soo afjartay dhaqdhaqaaqii siyaasadeed ee ka jiray NFD. Ilaa 1960 waxaa gumaystayaashii ay Soomaalida aaggaas ku dhaqan ka mamnuuceen inay xitaa yeeshaan urur dhallinyaro. Waxaana NFD laga dhigay meel xitaa ka xiran inta kale ee Kenya. Laakiin xubnihii ururkii SYL ee u fakaday Soomaaliya waxay sii wadeen xiriirka ay la lahaayeen NFD. Waxaa dhacday inay dukaan ka furteen meesha lagu magacaabo Biskaya oo dhawr kiilomitir u jirta xad-beenaadka oo ku taal xeebta.


Lasoco qeybta 3aad.......

Thursday, April 2, 2020

Taxanaha taarikhda gobolka NFD- Qeybta Koowaad



NFD (Northern Fronteir District) waa dhul soomaaliyeed oo aad u baaxad weyn.

Waxaana la qiyaasaa in magaca loo bixiyey 1902.

Xuduudka halkaas waxaa loo sameeyay kaddib markii heshiis dhexmaray Britain iyo Talyaaniga July 15, 1924.


Lasoco qeybta Labaad

𝐂𝐥𝐚𝐧 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐬 𝐛𝐞𝐡𝐢𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐚𝐫𝐫𝐞𝐬𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐍𝐄𝐏 𝐥𝐞𝐚𝐝𝐞𝐫𝐬

Ogaden leaders fron NEP kenya from (R)Yussuf Hajji
and Garissa Governor Ali Korane (L) meet
Somali president Mohamed Farmajo in Mogdishu
Following the arrest of 8 North Eastern MPs who paid a visit to Somalia, I have here highlighted several northern leaders who have before paid the same visit to several parts of Somalia but were never distrusted.
𝐉𝐚𝐧 𝟏𝟑, 𝟐𝟎𝟏𝟗
Garissa Governor KORANE with Senator Yussuf Haji, met Somalia's President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo at Villa Somalia, Mogadishu and discussed matters of mutual interest.
𝐉𝐚𝐧 𝟐𝟕, 𝟐𝟎𝟏𝟗
Governor Korane, Wajir Women Rep Fatuma Gedi and other delegates from Kenya attended The inauguration of the Puntland state president Sacid Abdullahi Deni at Garowe town the headquater of the Puntland state Somalia.
𝐎𝐜𝐭 𝟏𝟐, 𝟐𝟎𝟏𝟗
A Kenyan delegation led by National Assembly Majority Leader Adan Barre Duale has arrived in Kismayo to attend the inauguration of Jubbaland state president Ahmed Mohamed Madobe, despite a flight ban announced by the Somali federal government to Kismayo.
Adan Barre Duale was accompanied by members of the Kenyan parliament,who are elected from the North Eastern Province, previously known as NFD.
Previously, the federal government rejected the 2019 Jubaland election accusing of an illegal election.
Madobe re-elected president supported by Kenya in terms of security and finance under the name of AMISOM. During the last Jubaland election, Madobe closed all Jubaland airports and ban flights from Mogadishu fearing federal government intervention.
𝐅𝐞𝐛 𝟏, 𝟐𝟎𝟐0
Kenya brought special jet which uplifted former Jubaland security minister from Kismayo who escaped from government detention. Amnesty International released a press statement that orders the Kenyan government to immediately arrest former Jubaland security minister. After the day press released, the Kenya government brought back the minister to the Mandera border to Somalia.
𝐅𝐞𝐛 𝟓, 𝟐𝟎20
The federal government of Somalia has deployed Somali Special troops trained by the Turkish government to Gedo region following the arrival of Jubbaland security minister Abdirashid Janan in Balad-Hawa.
Hours after the arrival of the government forces in Beled-Hawa, Janan was reported to have sneaked to Kenya through the Mandera border when government forces took control of the town.
All the above trips in only 2019 by Ogaden NEP leaders to Somalia were never questioned because the GoK were using them to interfere with the Somali government.
But now the other NEP leaders were outraged and arrested for their visit to Mogadishu because they wanted to suspend Janan from their regions but they never acknowledged that Janan is supported and protected by their government with a connection of the Ogaden politicians in supporting the man of Madobe (Janan).